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C. J. Daswani |
In multilingual India the issue of literacy is inextricably linked to
the basic culture of diversity - diversity of language, diversity of expectations
from literacy, diversity of literacy achievement and diversity of literacy
use. Diversity of language, however, impinges both on planning for and implementation
of literacy programmes. Literacy as the ability to read and write is logically
linked to reading and writing in a particular language; most naturally the
mother tongue of the speaker. One would assume that providing literacy in
the mother tongue of the learners should not pose a serious problem. Yet
the question of what language for literacy is seldom addressed from the
perspective of the learner. For, the choice of language for literacy is
often guided by other issues such as. language policy, literary status of
a language, availability of written literature and above all the question
of main streaming the neo-literate after he/she has acquired the basic skills
of reading and writing. NUMBER OF LANGUAGES It has never been possible to determine the exact number of mother tongues spoken in India. In 1961 the Census of India recorded a phenomenal number of 1652 mother tongues spoken in the country, which were classified under 193 language names. In 1971, this list was further rationalised into a list of 105 languages with speaker strength of 10,000 persons for each language. Another 106 languages and dialects were subsumed under these 105 languages, i.e. a total of 211 languages and dialects, all of which belong to four major language groups: Indo-Aryan, Dravidian , Tibeto Burinan and Austro-Asiatic. It is significant to note that Indio-Aryan languages (19) are spoken by 74% of the Indian population, the Dravidian languages (16) by 24% of the population, and the Tibeto Burman languages (48) together with Austro-Asiatic languages (13) are spoken by only 2% of the population. Even if one were to ignore the large number of mother tongues as indicated by the 1961 Census, the problem of providing literacy in 211 languages and dialects recognised by the Census is a problem that is seldom addressed squarely by the planners and implementers of literacy programmes. The problem of linguistic diversity is not addressed by the mere recognition
of the number of languages and dialects . From the list of 105 languages,
nine can be deleted as classical or foreign languages. For instance, Sanskrit
and Tibetan are classical languages, Arabic, Chinese, English and Persian
are foreign languages, and three language names Naga, Kuki and Munda in
the list are of doubtful status. Of the remaining 96 languages that may
be called living languages of India, only fifty have written traditions
and literature. Consequently, as many as 46 languages are technically unwritten
languages. WRITTEN LANGUAGES It is not always easy to define the status of "writtenness" for a language. In a strict sense, a language without a script can be considered unwritten. However, even if a language has a script, it might not satisfy the condition of writtenness unless there is a body of published literature available in that language. Of the 46 unwritten languages, 32 actually have scripts and some of them have minimal published material, such as biblical translations, wordlists and rudimentary grammers, but little else. Fourteen languages do not even have scripts. Research on written languages has shown that it is necessary to recognise several criteria for determining written status for a language. These are:
Of this set of criteria, the first two are the most important. The criterion of native literary output is significant, because unless the native speakers themselves are engaged in the process of writing narrative and non-narrative literature, it is possible that there may not be any readers of that language. Even if there are limited printed materials, such as biblical writings, wordlists and grammer books, they do not ensure a native readership in the language. The second criterion of the use of the language in the primary school is perhaps even more significant, since its use in education promotes the creation of textbooks in popular as well as refined prose leading to codification and standardisation. Language reshaping, it is believed, is achieved through literature of information more than the literature of imagination. School text-books are a step in this direction. Of the fifty written languages, only fourteen can claim to satisfy all
the criteria for the status of written languages. Thirty six of these languages
are what may be called recently written languages. They have limited written
literature produced by native speakers and they are used as medium of instruction
in the primary school. Unlike the fourteen major languages, not all of these
thirty six languages are used in administration, legislation or by the judiciary.
There is some limited journalistic activity in these languages. The fourteen
major languages, on the other hand, satisfy all the criteria listed above.
These major languages together with Sanskrit were included in the Eighth
schedule of the Constitution of India as languages to be recognised for
use in administration, education, legislation, media and the judiciary.
Labelled as the "Scheduled languages", these language are the
official languages in the various states in India. More recently, three
other languages have been added to the Eighth Schedule. PUBLICATION IN WRITTEN LANGUAGES The major status ascribed to these fourteen languages is also based on the extent of publications in these languages. As is clear in Figure 1 below, of the 16,886 publications recorded in 1987-88, 16,872 are in these languages, and only fourteen in the remaining thirty six written languages. 1. Assamese 153 2. Bengali 1,422 3. English 6,281 4. Gujarat 440 5, Hindi 2,469 6. Kannada 965 7. Kashmiri 29 8. Malayalam 881 9. Marathi 1,133 10. Oriya 220 11. Punjabi 422 12. Sanskrit 219 13. Sindhi 100 14. Tamil 959 15. Telugu 611 16. Urdu 568 17 Other languages 14 Total 16,886 Fig. 1:Books received at the National Library, Calcutta in 1987-88 (Daswani 1994). The volume of publication in a language is a clear measure of the extent
of writing in that language. Most of the fourteen major Indian languages
have literary traditions that go back to the tenth Century A.D, although
printed publications in these languages can be linked only to the advent
of the printing press in India in early 19'h Century. ORAL LITERACY It is clear that languages with long written histories have had long literacy histories. In other words, there has been a large number of literate individuals reading and writing these major written languages. At the same time the literary tradition in India has been marked by a vibrant oral tradition. All early literatures in India were composed, transmitted and preserved orally and were reduced to writing much later. This resulted in the practice of oral literacy by large numbers of people speaking any particular language. Alphabatisation or written literacy was never a hindrance for participation in the literary activity and practice. There is evidence that even after the advent of writing in India anywhere between 10000 BC to 300 BC, literacy was taught. It was only after the advent of formal western schooling that the distinction
between the literate and the illiterate came to be recognised. In less than
a hundred years of formal schooling, India was reduced to a predominantly
illiterate country with the formal literacy rate of less than six percent
in 1901. The increase in the literacy rate from 6 percent to 52 percent
within a period of ninety years continues to be based on literacy acquired
through formal schooling, which further consolidates the distinction between
literate and illiterate. SOCIAL FACTORS The distinction between literate and illiterate is also influenced by geographical and social factors. Since formal schooling has invariably been more widespread in urban areas, literacy rates in rural areas have always been lower than those in urban areas. At the same time the social caste structure in the Indian society has contributed to the skewed literacy picture with the scheduled caste population being less literate than the non-scheduled caste population.
Fig. 2: Literacy Rates in India (Daswani 1994). Similarly women, across the board, have not participated in the formal education system as the males have, resulting in a significant gap between male and female literacy. In fact the three parameters of urban : rural, male : female and SC : non-SC intersect in a significant way to give us a hierarchy of literacy rates, where the SC rural female is at the lowest end and the non-SC urban male is at the highest end, the gap between the two being 60 percentage points.
Fig. 3: Hierarchy of Literacy in India (Daswani 1994) COMMUNICATION NETWORKS In a multi-lingual society, the linguistic repertoires of individual
speakers are very complex with every individual controlling more than one
dialect or language. Each dialect/language occupies one or more domain in
the communicative network. Many individuals, speak two, three or four languages,
and even those who may not actually speak many languages, are able to understand
other languages used in their social milieu. Consequently, every individual
communicates through a number of languages and dialects where each language/dialect
has specific role in communication. A rural adult illiterate male, for instance,
may speak his dialect within the family and in the immediate rural neighbourhood,
understand and speak the local regional standard language when in contact
with other individuals from a larger geographical area, and also comprehend
(and sometimes also speak) the State standard language. His female counterpart,
however, may not speak anything other than the family dialect, but she too
is able to comprehend other dialects spoken in the neighbourhood. This situation
of multi-lingual use prevails everywhere, including in the urban settings
where perhaps it becomes more complex with literacy and illiteracy being
in coexistence. In such a multi-lingual situation all speakers develop attitudes
towards the languages/dialects that they control, in relation to the uses
to which a particular language/dialect is put; and every speaker automatically
switches from one language/dialect to another language/dialect within any
given communicative situation. LANGUAGE ATTITUDE Language status and language expectation as well as language use determine
the overall position of a language in the hierarchy of languages in a multi-lingual
country. An illiterate rural person may not be able to read and write any
language, and yet he might want to become literate in one or more languages
that he/she controls according to his or her perception of the importance
of that language. LITERACY PROGRAMMES In the planning of literacy programmes for vast populations of illiterate
people, it is often assumed that literacy is best imparted through the mother
tongue. This assumption may have theoretical significance, but there is
little evidence that the mother tongue is invariably the best language for
literacy in a complex multi-lingual context. First of all, if the mother
tongue of the illiterate learner does not have a written tradition or does
not have a script, the planning of literacy programmes in that language,
without creating the preconditions as indicated above, will not result in
successful acquisition of literacy skills. Even before the literacy programme
in the mother tongue is planned, adequate printed literature in the language
has to be made available for the neo-literate learners to practice literacy
skills. On the other hand, if the adult illiterate perceives the language
of literacy being provided in the literacy programme (even if it happens
to be his/her mother tongue) as of less communicative significance, it is
likely that the learner will not be sufficiently motivated to acquire the
literacy skills in that language. He she may wish to become literate in
a language of wider communication and greater economic opportunity. LANGUAGE POLICY Language Policy in India has essentially favoured the scheduled/recognised official languages that are included in the constitution. These languages enjoy the status of official languages and have long written and literacy traditions. As official languages, they are also used as mediums of instruction from the primary school to university education. All dialect speakers in a given state are expected to learn the state official language through schooling; and all government documents/communications are available only in the official language. Even if dialects are used in specific contexts such as, radio/television programmes, the official state language is the preferred norm in a large variety of domains. In the formal schools all children are expected to learn three languages by the end of secondary school (Class X) - the regional language, the national language and international language English. At no stage during school is the study of dialects encouraged. It may be mentioned that, there is provision for instruction through the mother tongue in the primary school (Classes I-V), but this provision is seldom interpreted to mean the actual mother-tongue of the learners. Where large population of speakers of the other 36 written languages are concentrated, primary education is provided through these languages, but the learners have to switch to the state official language in Class VI. Language policy, therefore, encourages the consolidation of the 14 (now
17) official Indian languages and English as the international language. LANGUAGE IN LITERACY Adult literacy programmes in India have, in theory, subscribed to the notion of mother-tongue literacy on the ground that an adult illiterate would be interested in acquiring literacy in his/her mother tongue, and that mother tongue facilitates the acquisition of the basic skills of reading and writing. Towards this end literacy programmes in the local dialects are encouraged and literacy materials are developed in some of the local dialects. However, there is no evidence to show that the choice of dialects for adult literacy is based on any set of objective criteria, such as prior alphabetization, availability of printed native literature in the dialect, use of the dialect as medium of instruction in the formal primary school. Often, the choice of the dialect for literacy is based on the perceived appropriateness of such a choice by the literacy functionaries. The choice of the local dialect is often seen as a first step in the acquisition of the basic skills of reading and writing, which, it is argued, will enable the adult neo-literate to smoothly transition to reading and writing abilities in the state standard language. While, one may hypothesize that such a transition is possible, there is very little evaluative data to confirm or establish such a hypothesis. Essentially, the choice of a language for adult literacy programmes is based on gut feeling without ensuring that preconditions exist for sustaining literacy in that language through its use in extended communicative domains.
Adult literacy programmes could be used as powerful vehicles for development
of minor and unwritten languages. Through literacy, scripts can be devised
for hitherto unwritten languages. Once alphabetized, these languages could
be systematically developed to become mediums of instruction at the school
level. At the same time, creative and informative literature can be encouraged
and supported to provide for regular publication of literature. In this
manner, planning for literacy in such minor or unwritten languages would
provide the impetus for development of these languages, and also ensure
sustenance of literacy for both adults and children. REFERENCE: Daswani, C.J. 1994 The Sphere of Indian Writing in: Harmut Gunther and Otlo Ludwig (Eds) Writing and Its Use. Berlin: Walter
de Gruyter. APPENDIX List of 105 living languages listed in the 1971 Census, arranged according to written and official status under the various language families. I. Indo-Aryan: total number - 19 A. Written languages (scheduled) 1 Assamese 2. Bengali 3 Gujarati 4. Hindi 5. Kashmiri 6. Konkani 7. Marathi 8. Nepali 9. Oriya 10. Punjabi 11. Sindhi 12. Urdu B. Written languages (non-scheduled) 1 . Bhili 2. Bishnupuria 3. Dogri C. Unwritten languages (alphabetized) 1 Halabi 2. Lahnda 3. Shina D. Unwritten languages (not alphabetized) 1 Khandeshi II. Dravidian: total number - 16 A- Written languages (scheduled) 1 Kannada 2. Malayalam 3 Tamil 4. Telugu B. Written languages (non-scheduled) 1 Gondi 2. Kurukh 3. Tulu C. Unwritten languages (alphabetized) 1 Coorgi/Kodagu 2. Khond/Kondh 3 . Konda 4. Kui 5. Parji D. Unwritten languages (not alphabetized) 1 . Jatapu 2. Kisan 3 . Kolami 4. Koya III. Tibeto-Burman: total Number - 48 A. Written languages (scheduled) 1 Manipuri B. Written languages (non-scheduled) 1 Angami 2. Ao 3 . Bhotia 4. Bodo 5. Dimasa 6. Garo 7. Hmar 8 . Kabui 9. Khezha 10. Konyak 11. Ladakhi 12. Lapeha 13. Lotha 14. Lushai 15. Mikir 16. Phom 17. Sangtam 18. Sema 19. Tangkhul 20. Thado 21. Tripuri C. Unwritten languages (alphabetized) 1 . Adi 2. Balti 3. Chang 4. Deori 5. Halam 6. Khiemnungan 7. Kinnauri 8. Lahuli 9. Lakher 10. Mao 11. Miri/Mishing 12. Mishmi 13. Monpa 14. Nissi/Dafla 15. Nocte 16. Paite 17. Rabha 18. Sikkim Bhotia 19. Tangsa 20. Vaiphei 21. Wancho 22. Yimchungre D. Unwritten languages (not alphabetized) 1 Koch 2. Lalung 3. Mogh 4. Pawi IV. Austro-Asiatic: total number - 13 A. Written languages (scheduled) None B. Written languages (non-scheduled) 1. Ho 2. Kharia 3. Khasi 4. Mundari 5. Nicobarese 6. Santaii C. Unwritten languages (alphabetized) 1. Korku 2. Savara D. Unwritten languages (not alphabetized) 1 Bhumij 2. Gadaba 3. Juang 4. Koda/Kora 5. Korwa V. Classical languages: total number - 2 1. Sanskrit 2. Tibetan VI. Foreign languages: total number - 4 1. Arabic/Arbi 2. Chinese 3. English 4. Persian VII. Languages of doubtful linguistic status: total number 3 1 . Naga 2. Kuki 3. Munda
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